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  1. #1

    Default Inflation

    http://krugman.blogs.nytimes.com/201...her-inflation/



    Olivier Blanchard, normally at MIT but currently the chief economist at the IMF, has released an interesting and important paper on how the crisis has changed, or should have changed, how we think about macroeconomic policy. The most surprising conclusion, presumably, is the idea that central banks have been setting their inflation targets too low:

    Higher average inflation, and thus higher nominal interest rates to start with, would have made it possible to cut interest rates more, thereby probably reducing the drop in output and the deterioration of fiscal positions.

    To be a bit more precise, I’m not that surprised that Olivier should think that; I am, however, somewhat surprised that the IMF is letting him say that under its auspices. In any case, I very much agree.

    I would add, however, that there’s another case for a higher inflation rate — an argument made most forcefully by Akerlof, Dickens, and Perry (pdf). It goes like this: even in the long run, it’s really, really hard to cut nominal wages. Yet when you have very low inflation, getting relative wages right would require that a significant number of workers take wage cuts. So having a somewhat higher inflation rate would lead to lower unemployment, not just temporarily, but on a sustained basis.

    Or to put it a bit differently, the long-run Phillips curve isn’t vertical at very low inflation rates.

    I think this is especially important in the European context. As I’ve been writing in a number of posts, the period 2000-2008 saw a huge divergence in price levels between the capital-inflow nations of the European periphery and the European core. Here are deflators, 2000=100:

    GDP DEFLATORS, 2000=100
    DESCRIPTIONIMF

    Almost surely, that divergence now has to be reduced. Yet with a low overall inflation rate for the eurozone, that means large-scale deflation in the overvalued economies if convergence is to happen any time in, say, the next 5-10 years. (Actually, in Eurospeak I think this is cohesion rather than convergence, but never mind).

    The task would be a lot easier if the eurozone had 4 percent inflation instead of 2.

    So yes, let’s have modestly higher inflation. Alas, Ben Bernanke — at least when speaking publicly — doesn’t agree. And I can only imagine what Trichet would say.


    ************************************************** *

    Oh yeah higher inflation is good.... NOT.

    I am not surprised that a big time liberal like Krugman would be in favor of inflation. After all that's how they intend to pay for spending. Devalue the currency and screw the people who actually save money. The American people of course need another incentive to consumer more and create more artificial bubbles.

  2. #2
    Krugman et al. want to screw the economy more so they can then have ways of fixing it. Brilliant solution.
    Hope is the denial of reality

  3. #3
    The Economist's Free Exchange blog had a couple of interesting posts about this story here and here. While I think Bernanke's concerns are paramount (and that confidence in the Fed is more critical than having more tools to deal with once-in-a-lifetime recessions), I do think this was a nice point:

    Perhaps the important thing to take away from this discussion is that to central bankers, inflation is a bogeyman. But to good economists, inflation is merely a variable, an economic indicator over which governments have some control and which they can manipulate to good or ill effect. The right approach to inflation is to carefully weigh the costs and benefits of a higher target and determine if, as seems likely, it would be a good idea.
    Of course, appearing to monetize the debt is a very bad idea given the short maturity rates and already shaky investor confidence. And I question whether the exotic QE methods used by the Fed were really that much worse than further interest rate cuts, though I'll admit deleveraging the whole QE mess will be interesting. Nevertheless, I doubt it's as clear-cut as you make it out to be, Lewk.

  4. #4
    Quote Originally Posted by Lewkowski View Post
    Higher average inflation, and thus higher nominal interest rates to start with, would have made it possible to cut interest rates more, thereby probably reducing the drop in output and the deterioration of fiscal positions.
    I think the same argument can be made for the Bush tax cuts. By significantly cutting taxes when the economy was doing fairly well he robbed himself of a key tool to respond when things started going sour. Not sure if that would have had a real impact in the gas spike / housing bubble / financial crisis scenario....
    The Rules
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  5. #5
    Quote Originally Posted by EyeKhan View Post
    I think the same argument can be made for the Bush tax cuts. By significantly cutting taxes when the economy was doing fairly well he robbed himself of a key tool to respond when things started going sour. Not sure if that would have had a real impact in the gas spike / housing bubble / financial crisis scenario....
    That one is reasonable since not having cut the taxes wouldn't have had a giant effect on the economy. Inflation does have many nasty effects on the economy. To suggest that we should have allowed it just so we'd be able to reduce it later is simply ridiculous. Heck, he provides no reason why we shouldn't have let inflation his 10% or 20%. Then we'd have even more room to cut interest rates.
    Hope is the denial of reality

  6. #6
    Quote Originally Posted by Loki View Post
    That one is reasonable since not having cut the taxes wouldn't have had a giant effect on the economy. Inflation does have many nasty effects on the economy. To suggest that we should have allowed it just so we'd be able to reduce it later is simply ridiculous. Heck, he provides no reason why we shouldn't have let inflation his 10% or 20%. Then we'd have even more room to cut interest rates.
    Umm, I'm not sure what you're talking about here, but just reading the material Lewk posted, it's accurate, right? Particularly looking at Europe, as is mentioned in the quoted material. It is possible to focus too much on inflation, and central bankers, particularly in Europe, were doing just that.
    Last night as I lay in bed, looking up at the stars, I thought, “Where the hell is my ceiling?"

  7. #7
    Quote Originally Posted by LittleFuzzy View Post
    Umm, I'm not sure what you're talking about here, but just reading the material Lewk posted, it's accurate, right? Particularly looking at Europe, as is mentioned in the quoted material. It is possible to focus too much on inflation, and central bankers, particularly in Europe, were doing just that.
    The point isn't that they focus too much on inflation (which is true); it's that Europe should have allowed a far higher inflation rate (4% instead of 2%) than is tolerable in developed countries.
    Hope is the denial of reality

  8. #8
    This is what Buffet said when Bush came with the proposal of tax cuts.

    Source

    Buffett slams dividend tax cut

    NEW YORK (CNN/Money) - Renewing his criticism of the dividend tax cut laid out by the Senate last week, Berkshire Hathaway's Warren Buffett called the proposal "voodoo economics" that uses "Enron-style accounting."

    "Putting $1,000 in the pockets of 310,000 families with urgent needs is going to provide far more stimulus to the economy than putting the same $310 million in my pockets," Buffett added.
    US government has these options:

    1.Nationalize profitable banks to reduce deficit (bankers may not like it)
    2.Raise taxes (bankers do not like it)
    3.Print money (either actual dollars or issue bonds) risking a future hyperinflation, like in Argentina 1989 where people starved.
    4.Do nothing. Let deficit bills to be passed to American citizens so it becomes poverty and unemployment. This is what IMF and World Bank advised for third world countries.

  9. #9
    AR81 -

    That was in 2003....

    You have to understand the Bush tax cuts were more then just about "fixing" the economy. He cut taxes on everyone. Lower taxes on things like capital gains *encourage* investment. Not to mention the inherent unfairness of the tax code where we have 40% of Americans not paying *any* federal income tax.

  10. #10
    AR81 -

    That was in 2003....

    You have to understand the Bush tax cuts were more then just about "fixing" the economy. He cut taxes on everyone. Lower taxes on things like capital gains *encourage* investment. Not to mention the inherent unfairness of the tax code where we have 40% of Americans not paying *any* federal income tax.

  11. #11
    It also created a large deficit during good economic times, which is not something any sensible government does.
    Hope is the denial of reality

  12. #12
    Quote Originally Posted by Loki View Post
    It also created a large deficit during good economic times, which is not something any sensible government does.
    Tax revenues increased under Bush's watch.

    You do have a point about deficits though. Bush utterly failed to reign in spending and that is his fault.

  13. #13
    Quote Originally Posted by Lewkowski View Post
    Tax revenues increased under Bush's watch.

    You do have a point about deficits though. Bush utterly failed to reign in spending and that is his fault.
    Tax revenues will always increase when the economy is doing well.

  14. #14
    Quote Originally Posted by wiggin View Post
    Tax revenues will always increase when the economy is doing well.
    The end of the American dream?
    http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/5303590.stm

    Meanwhile, a large section of the workforce - the unemployed or those not seeking work - have not benefited from economic growth.

    Unemployment has remained stubbornly high despite the economic recovery, with the latest figure at 4.7% compared to 4% at the end of 2000. Overall job growth in the first half of the current decade has been just 1.3%.
    Economy can't be fine if unemployment is not reduced and wages do not go up.
    2/3 of US market is composed by people with wages.

    If you see, unemployment grew up since Bush took the office.
    From 2000 to 2004 unemployment grew up.
    From 2004 to 2008 it grew up even more.

    Source BBC


  15. #15
    Quote Originally Posted by wiggin View Post
    Tax revenues will always increase when the economy is doing well.
    And part of the reason the economy was doing well was tax cuts.

  16. #16
    Quote Originally Posted by Lewkowski View Post
    And part of the reason the economy was doing well was tax cuts.
    And a part of the reason why it's doing so poorly now is because of those same tax cuts. Tax cuts are not a panacea to all of our problems, Lewk. They boost efficiency, but if their implementation creates a large budget deficit, they're more trouble than they are worth.
    Hope is the denial of reality

  17. #17
    And Lewk's numbers are also wrong. Since tax revenue will increase purely as a result of economic growth, what matters is the percentage of the national GDP that the the federal government collects in taxes. The only way one can say that a tax cut increased revenue is if it actually increased that percentage. In reality, tax revenues decreased from 19.8% of GDP in 2001 (they were 20.9% in 2000, but I'll allow for the effects of the 2001 recession), decreased to 16.3% in 2004, and then peaked at 18.8% of GDP in 2007. Since then, they've fallen to between 15-16%. The last time tax revenues were below 16% of GDP was in 1950. Given the size of the current deficit, I don't think it's time to complain about the level of taxation, which is a fifth lower than its historic levels.
    Hope is the denial of reality

  18. #18
    Quote Originally Posted by Loki View Post
    And Lewk's numbers are also wrong. Since tax revenue will increase purely as a result of economic growth, what matters is the percentage of the national GDP that the the federal government collects in taxes. The only way one can say that a tax cut increased revenue is if it actually increased that percentage. In reality, tax revenues decreased from 19.8% of GDP in 2001 (they were 20.9% in 2000, but I'll allow for the effects of the 2001 recession), decreased to 16.3% in 2004, and then peaked at 18.8% of GDP in 2007. Since then, they've fallen to between 15-16%. The last time tax revenues were below 16% of GDP was in 1950. Given the size of the current deficit, I don't think it's time to complain about the level of taxation, which is a fifth lower than its historic levels.

    That is absolutely absurd Loki. If you have an economy = to 100 and you tax 20% of GDP that is 20. If you have an economy that is is at 200 that is taxed at 10% GDP you have 20. Equal amounts of taxation except one country is far more free and prosperous.

    Furthermore as you increase the tax rate you lower compliance. Which makes it costlier to collect those taxes. Simply because the government is taking in a great share of income doesn't mean it is *USING* it better. I'd rather have a lean efficient government that doesn't piss away money then a bloated government that is inefficient. Productive use of tax dollars is a FAR better method then tax % of GDP.

    There are variety of reasons to cut taxes. One of them is that improves the economy. Hell even Obama thinks so hence the new jobs bill & the Make Work Pay tax credit.

    And as far as tax burden we are talking about at the federal level BUT keep in mind people do pay far more taxes then just income tax. Payroll taxes (SS, Medicare unemployment) and income tax are just the start. Lets not forget Sales tax, property tax, estate taxes, state income tax, business taxes (that increases the cost of goods), and gas tax.

    You make $100,000 dollars. How much do you actually get to keep? Its not as simple as just taking out income tax. Take out the payroll taxes (on the employer side too since otherwise your wage would be higher). Take out the increased price of goods due to taxes (including sales tax and taxes on profit the business makes, because again consumers or investors pay ALL taxes). Suddenly your looking at less then 50% of your original take.

    As long as taxation taken together sucks so much out of what you get then it is always time to complain about taxes.

  19. #19
    Quote Originally Posted by Lewkowski View Post
    That is absolutely absurd Loki. If you have an economy = to 100 and you tax 20% of GDP that is 20. If you have an economy that is is at 200 that is taxed at 10% GDP you have 20. Equal amounts of taxation except one country is far more free and prosperous.
    If you collect 20% of GDP in revenue and leave a tax rate unchanged, you'll still collect 20% in revenue once the economy grows.

    Furthermore as you increase the tax rate you lower compliance. Which makes it costlier to collect those taxes. Simply because the government is taking in a great share of income doesn't mean it is *USING* it better. I'd rather have a lean efficient government that doesn't piss away money then a bloated government that is inefficient. Productive use of tax dollars is a FAR better method then tax % of GDP.
    Compliance goes down much slower than revenue goes up. It only becomes an issue (in the US) once the taxes are above 20% of GDP, which we're nowhere near.

    There are variety of reasons to cut taxes. One of them is that improves the economy. Hell even Obama thinks so hence the new jobs bill & the Make Work Pay tax credit.
    A more important reason why Obama (and other politicians) like cutting taxes is that it's politically popular.

    And as far as tax burden we are talking about at the federal level BUT keep in mind people do pay far more taxes then just income tax. Payroll taxes (SS, Medicare unemployment) and income tax are just the start. Lets not forget Sales tax, property tax, estate taxes, state income tax, business taxes (that increases the cost of goods), and gas tax.
    It's not like those taxes have increased in the interim. State coffers are just as empty as the federal one.

    You make $100,000 dollars. How much do you actually get to keep? Its not as simple as just taking out income tax. Take out the payroll taxes (on the employer side too since otherwise your wage would be higher). Take out the increased price of goods due to taxes (including sales tax and taxes on profit the business makes, because again consumers or investors pay ALL taxes). Suddenly your looking at less then 50% of your original take.

    As long as taxation taken together sucks so much out of what you get then it is always time to complain about taxes.
    Only if you're incapable of calculating a marginal tax rate. The first third of that income is either not taxed or taxed very lightly (especially when you put deductions into the equation). The rest might be taxed at something close to 50%, but the average tax burden will be significantly below 50%. Regardless, the overall tax burden in the US is something like 35-40% of GDP (probably lower due to recession).

    So tell me Lewk, do you prefer to have low taxes and a massive deficit or higher taxes (say at the level they were in 2000) and a much smaller deficit? Drastically cutting spending isn't an option as it's politically infeasible.
    Hope is the denial of reality

  20. #20
    Quote Originally Posted by Loki View Post
    So tell me Lewk, do you prefer to have low taxes and a massive deficit or higher taxes (say at the level they were in 2000) and a much smaller deficit? Drastically cutting spending isn't an option as it's politically infeasible.
    I'm pretty sure Lewk would like to continue what Reagan started.

    Click to view the full version
    Faith is Hope (see Loki's sig for details)
    If hindsight is 20-20, why is it so often ignored?

  21. #21
    Quote Originally Posted by Lewkowski View Post
    That is absolutely absurd Loki. If you have an economy = to 100 and you tax 20% of GDP that is 20. If you have an economy that is is at 200 that is taxed at 10% GDP you have 20. Equal amounts of taxation except one country is far more free and prosperous.
    It's more complicated than either of you are making it out to be. Ideally these numbers should be normalized to real (i.e. inflation adjusted) per capita GDP. GDP can grow for a number of reasons, but if the government needs to provide more and costlier services, it's hardly reasonable to look at raw revenues as a good yardstick. With the exception of recessions, raw tax revenues almost always increase regardless of tax policy (unless a really drastic policy change is made). Bush's term was bracketed by two recessions, so it is unsurprising that revenues increased over that period. Of course, expenditures increased at a far greater rate, which points to poor fiscal policy and inadequate political will to make the necessary structural changes.

    Furthermore as you increase the tax rate you lower compliance. Which makes it costlier to collect those taxes. Simply because the government is taking in a great share of income doesn't mean it is *USING* it better. I'd rather have a lean efficient government that doesn't piss away money then a bloated government that is inefficient. Productive use of tax dollars is a FAR better method then tax % of GDP.
    In principle you are right that more efficient and smaller government is better, though the solution isn't to starve the government of revenue and precipitate a debt crisis, but to implement sound fiscal policies in the first place. I would question whether minor changes in the marginal tax rates change compliance as much as you assert, though. The complexity of our tax code is probably the biggest barrier to compliance, not the raw rates. Simplifying tax law and removing most of the loopholes/exceptions/etc. would save huge amounts of money in enforcement (~$8 billion spent per year currently), and would probably boost voluntary compliance. While in principle obscenely high tax rates would lead to evasion, 39% vs. 36% is hardly a big difference.

    There are variety of reasons to cut taxes. One of them is that improves the economy. Hell even Obama thinks so hence the new jobs bill & the Make Work Pay tax credit.
    Not precisely. It boosts consumer spending, or at least theoretically it does so. Realistically, in this case it was less effective since US households have been rapidly trying to deleverage from risky loan positions. Thus, tax breaks or credits are a nice temporary way to boost spending and prop up an ailing economy. In the long run, though, running deficits at 10% of GDP is far worse for the economy, so such stimulus needs to be quickly pulled back to pre-crisis levels. Sustainable growth cannot be achieved by some panacea of permanent tax cuts unless there is a concomitant decrease in outlays (that themselves do not detract from economic growth).

    You make $100,000 dollars. How much do you actually get to keep? Its not as simple as just taking out income tax. Take out the payroll taxes (on the employer side too since otherwise your wage would be higher). Take out the increased price of goods due to taxes (including sales tax and taxes on profit the business makes, because again consumers or investors pay ALL taxes). Suddenly your looking at less then 50% of your original take.
    And yet the combined US governments spend far less than 50% of GDP. Methinks you're wrong.

  22. #22
    It's not surprising that Krugman's liberal disease shows in the article. As all liberals, he confuses economic cause and effect.

  23. #23
    News flash: central bankers around the world are trying to figure out the right recipe. How anyone can say it's teh librulz mucking things up is a moment.

    If one of our problems is massive debt, then a bit of inflation might help us correct that. As a saver, I'm pretty tired of the low fed interest rates that only help borrowers and debtors.

  24. #24
    Quote Originally Posted by GGT View Post
    If one of our problems is massive debt, then a bit of inflation might help us correct that. As a saver, I'm pretty tired of the low fed interest rates that only help borrowers and debtors.
    It does not help debtors and borrowers. It helps banks.
    Banks are not lending too much, and interest rates remain high.
    So the gap between Fed rates and loan rates is profit for banks.

    If rates go up, banks will keep the profit level and will pass them to the economy, sinking the economy.

    The problem of inflation is that it hurts the poor, like a tax.
    The right solution is to nationalize profitable banks, to nationalize profit that allows deficit reduction and debt payment. A no brainer solution. This is the only not so inflationary alternative, but it also is the least politically viable, because bankers want to remain rich. Any other choice would pass the bill to Americans in the form of double dip crisis.

    So politics is about "save bankers, screw US". Bankers should be added to the subversive registry for hijacking US politics.

  25. #25
    An interest rate below 5% for a home loan is not "high". The fed rate banks borrow at is too low, where do they go from zero?

    Banks don't need to lend money to consumers (or small business) when they can borrow cheap from the fed and buy treasurys, and make a profit that way. Citi is now in the news for trying to create yet another fancy financial insurance derivative to create shadow profits....

    What will the regulators do? Let's consult the crystal ball.

  26. #26
    And yet the combined US governments spend far less than 50% of GDP. Methinks you're wrong.
    Source? Most graphs and views take a look at the federal government and ignore the state and local government. You pay property tax at the local level. Ditto for sales tax. Also for other minor taxes like vehicle registration.

    If you collect 20% of GDP in revenue and leave a tax rate unchanged, you'll still collect 20% in revenue once the economy grows.
    Yes but the economy does not grow as quickly.

    A more important reason why Obama (and other politicians) like cutting taxes is that it's politically popular.
    Gee I wonder why... people want to keep their own money?

    o tell me Lewk, do you prefer to have low taxes and a massive deficit or higher taxes (say at the level they were in 2000) and a much smaller deficit? Drastically cutting spending isn't an option as it's politically infeasible.
    Politically feasible eh? Spending cuts can happen its a very popular rallying cry. In fact if the Democrats had not thwarted Bush in his second term we might have already had a SS fix. And remember its not the first time we have reformed SS - so cuts to entitlements CAN happen.

    In principle you are right that more efficient and smaller government is better, though the solution isn't to starve the government of revenue and precipitate a debt crisis, but to implement sound fiscal policies in the first place. I would question whether minor changes in the marginal tax rates change compliance as much as you assert, though. The complexity of our tax code is probably the biggest barrier to compliance, not the raw rates. Simplifying tax law and removing most of the loopholes/exceptions/etc. would save huge amounts of money in enforcement (~$8 billion spent per year currently), and would probably boost voluntary compliance. While in principle obscenely high tax rates would lead to evasion, 39% vs. 36% is hardly a big difference.
    There were more tax cuts then the highest tax bracket. People always seem to forget that...

    In the long run, though, running deficits at 10% of GDP is far worse for the economy, so such stimulus needs to be quickly pulled back to pre-crisis levels. Sustainable growth cannot be achieved by some panacea of permanent tax cuts unless there is a concomitant decrease in outlays (that themselves do not detract from economic growth).
    Money in the hands of people is always better then in the hands of the government after minimal basic services (such as defense) are met. It may not dig a country out of the recession immediately but it is a good thing. One of the problems people don't seem to realize is that Recessions happen. It is unrealistic to expect a continued never ending growth without any down turns.

  27. #27
    Quote Originally Posted by Lewkowski View Post
    Source? Most graphs and views take a look at the federal government and ignore the state and local government. You pay property tax at the local level. Ditto for sales tax. Also for other minor taxes like vehicle registration.
    Tax Freedom Day takes into account all taxation, and they estimate it at around 30% of your income. Source. Obviously this changes if your income or consumption is significantly off the average. I believe the estimate for the marginal tax rate is 40%. Sorry, but you're wrong.

    There were more tax cuts then the highest tax bracket. People always seem to forget that...
    Of course not, but the highest marginal rate had the biggest percentage drop (4.6%) with the exception of the 15% bracket. As such, it's a good way of evaluating whether the changes were likely to cause significant compliance issues. I think there's no question that tax rates have to be raised on middle class families as well as higher income earners to pay for the deficit, regardless of what Obama says.

    Money in the hands of people is always better then in the hands of the government after minimal basic services (such as defense) are met. It may not dig a country out of the recession immediately but it is a good thing. One of the problems people don't seem to realize is that Recessions happen. It is unrealistic to expect a continued never ending growth without any down turns.
    True, but the severity of a recessions can be significantly changes as a result of government intervention. This is pretty clearly true. The point is that the 'minimal basic services' (whatever you deem them to be) have to be paid for before we start putting money into the hands of the people on a permanent basis. I mean, assuming the federal budget was *only* for defense - you would in principle agree that we should fully fund the $700-odd billion dollars, right? Not run a deficit of $500 billion? After you accept that, it's only a matter of deciding which programs need to be funded by taxes, and which can be axed.

  28. #28
    Source

    14/06/2009
    How Economists can Misunderstand the Crisis

    On Wednesday last week, yields on 10-year US Treasuries – generally seen as the benchmark for long-term interest rates – rose above 3.73 per cent. Once upon a time that would have been considered rather low. But the financial crisis has changed all that: at the end of last year, the yield on the 10-year fell to 2.06 per cent. In other words, long-term rates have risen by 167 basis points in the space of five months. In relative terms, that represents an 81 per cent jump.

    Most commentators were unnerved by this development, coinciding as it did with warnings about the fiscal health of the US. For me, however, it was good news. For it settled a rather public argument between me and the Princeton economist Paul Krugman.

    It is a brave or foolhardy man who picks a fight with Mr Krugman, the most recent recipient of the Nobel Prize for Economics. Yet a cat may look at a king, and sometimes a historian can challenge an economist.

    A month ago Mr Krugman and I sat on a panel convened in New York to discuss the financial crisis. I made the point that “the running of massive fiscal deficits in excess of 12 per cent of gross domestic product this year, and the issuance therefore of vast quantities of freshly-minted bonds” was likely to push long-term interest rates up, at a time when the Federal Reserve aims at keeping them down. I predicted a “painful tug-of-war between our monetary policy and our fiscal policy, as the markets realise just what a vast quantity of bonds are going to have to be absorbed by the financial system this year”.

    De haut en bas came the patronising response: I belonged to a “Dark Age” of economics. It was “really sad” that my knowledge of the dismal science had not even got up to 1937 (the year after Keynes’s General Theory was published), much less its zenith in 2005 (the year Mr Krugman’s macro-economics textbook appeared). Did I not grasp that the key to the crisis was “a vast excess of desired savings over willing investment”? “We have a global savings glut,” explained Mr Krugman, “which is why there is, in fact, no upward pressure on interest rates.”

    Now, I do not need lessons about the General Theory . But I think perhaps Mr Krugman would benefit from a refresher course about that work’s historical context. Having reissued his book The Return of Depression Economics, he clearly has an interest in representing the current crisis as a repeat of the 1930s. But it is not. US real GDP is forecast by the International Monetary Fund to fall by 2.8 per cent this year and to stagnate next year. This is a far cry from the early 1930s, when real output collapsed by 30 per cent. So far this is a big recession, comparable in scale with 1973-1975. Nor has globalisation collapsed the way it did in the 1930s.

    Credit for averting a second Great Depression should principally go to Fed chairman Ben Bernanke, whose knowledge of the early 1930s banking crisis is second to none, and whose double dose of near-zero short-term rates and quantitative easing – a doubling of the Fed’s balance sheet since September – has averted a pandemic of bank failures. No doubt, too, the $787bn stimulus package is also boosting US GDP this quarter.

    But the stimulus package only accounts for a part of the massive deficit the US federal government is projected to run this year. Borrowing is forecast to be $1,840bn – equivalent to around half of all federal outlays and 13 per cent of GDP. A deficit this size has not been seen in the US since the second world war. A further $10,000bn will need to be borrowed in the decade ahead, according to the Congressional Budget Office. Even if the White House’s over-optimistic growth forecasts are correct, that will still take the gross federal debt above 100 per cent of GDP by 2017. And this ignores the vast off-balance-sheet liabilities of the Medicare and Social Security systems.

    It is hardly surprising, then, that the bond market is quailing. For only on Planet Econ-101 (the standard macroeconomics course drummed into every US undergraduate) could such a tidal wave of debt issuance exert “no upward pressure on interest rates”.

    Of course, Mr Krugman knew what I meant. “The only thing that might drive up interest rates,” he acknowledged during our debate, “is that people may grow dubious about the financial solvency of governments.” Might? May? The fact is that people – not least the Chinese government – are already distinctly dubious. They understand that US fiscal policy implies big purchases of government bonds by the Fed this year, since neither foreign nor private domestic purchases will suffice to fund the deficit. This policy is known as printing money and it is what many governments tried in the 1970s, with inflationary consequences you do not need to be a historian to recall.

    No doubt there are powerful deflationary headwinds blowing in the other direction today. There is surplus capacity in world manufacturing. But the price of key commodities has surged since February. Monetary expansion in the US, where M2 is growing at an annual rate of 9 per cent, well above its post-1960 average, seems likely to lead to inflation if not this year, then next. In the words of the Chinese central bank’s latest quarterly report: “A policy mistake . . . may bring inflation risks to the whole world.”

    The policy mistake has already been made – to adopt the fiscal policy of a world war to fight a recession. In the absence of credible commitments to end the chronic US structural deficit, there will be further upward pressure on interest rates, despite the glut of global savings. It was Keynes who noted that “even the most practical man of affairs is usually in the thrall of the ideas of some long-dead economist”. Today the long-dead economist is Keynes, and it is professors of economics, not practical men, who are in thrall to his ideas.

    The writer is Laurence A. Tisch professor of history at Harvard University and author of The Ascent of Money (Penguin)
    Source

    15/01/2009
    The Age of Obligation
    In the Old Testament Book of Leviticus, God commands the children of Israel to observe a jubilee every 50 years. Nowadays we tend to associate the word with celebrations of royal anniversaries such as Queen Elizabeth’s golden jubilee in 2002. But the biblical conception of a jubilee was more precise: that of a general cancellation of debts.

    This point is spelt out in Deuteronomy: “Every creditor that lendeth ought unto his neighbour shall release it; he shall not exact it of his neighbour, or of his brother; because it is called the Lord’s release.”
    Such injunctions may strike the modern reader as utopian. How could any sophisticated society function if all debts were cancelled twice a century – much less, as Deuteronomy seems to suggest, every seven years? Yet we know that such general cancellations of debt really did happen in the ancient world. In 1788 BC, for example, about 500 years before the time of Moses, King Rim-Sin of Ur issued a royal edict declaring all loans null and void, wiping out some of history’s earliest known moneylenders.

    The idea of a generalised debt cancellation is not wholly unknown in modern times. The late Gerald Feldman, the world’s leading authority on the German hyperinflation of 1923, drew a parallel between the ancient Hebrew yovel and the wiping out of all paper mark-denominated debts as a result of the collapse of the German currency (though, as he was quick to point out, those whose savings were wiped out were far from jubilant).

    In the hope of avoiding the mark’s meltdown, the economist John Maynard Keynes had repeatedly called for a general cancellation of the war debts and reparations arising from the first world war. Though no such intergovernmental jubilee was ever proclaimed, debt cancellation was effectively what happened after 1931, beginning with President Herbert Hoover’s one-year moratorium on both war debts and reparations.
    As 2008 draws to a close, there are many people on both sides of the Atlantic who yearn for such a simple solution to the problem of excessive indebtedness. Parallels with the interwar period are not inappropriate. It is all but inevitable that we shall see serious political and geopolitical upheavals in 2009, as the recession takes its toll on weak governments (Thailand and Greece are already reeling) and raises the stakes in inter-state rivalries (India-Pakistan). In the words of Hank Paulson, the US Treasury secretary: “We are dealing with a historic situation that happens once or twice in 100 years.” The stakes are high indeed. Has the time arrived for a once-in-50-years biblical jubilee?

    Excessive debt is the key to this crisis; it is the reason we are confronting no ordinary recession, curable by a simple downward adjustment of interest rates. It is the reason we still have to fear, if not a second Great Depression, then very likely the biggest rsince the 1930s. We are living through the painful end of an age of leverage which saw total private and public debt in the US rise from about 155 per cent of gross domestic product in the early 1980s to something like 342 per cent by the middle of this year.

    With average household debt rising from about 75 per cent of annual disposable income in 1990 to very nearly 130 per cent on the eve of the crisis, a large proportion of American families are submerging under the weight of their accumulated borrowings. British households are in even worse shape.

    Looking back, we now see just how big a proportion of US growth since 2001 was financed by mortgage equity withdrawals. Without that as a means of financing consumption, the economy would barely have grown at 1 per cent a year under President George W. Bush. Looking forward, we see just how hard it will be to stabilise property prices and the prices of the securities based on them. Already, at the end of September, one in 10 American home owners with a mortgage was either at least a month in arrears or in foreclosure. One in five mortgages exceeds the value of the home it was used to purchase.

    The financial sector’s debts grew even faster as banks sought to bolster their returns on equity by “levering up”. According to one recent estimate, the total leverage ratios (on- and off-book assets and exposure divided by tangible equity) for the two biggest US banks were 88:1 for Citibank and 134:1 for Bank of America. The bursting of the property bubble caused such ratios, which were already too high on the eve of the crisis, to explode as off-balance-sheet commitments and pre-arranged credit lines came home to roost. Only by borrowing from the Federal Reserve on an unprecedented scale have the banks been able to stay in business.

    With estimates of total losses on risky assets now ranging from $2,800bn (£1,850bn, €1,960bn) to $6,000bn, a chain reaction is under way that will leave no sector of the world economy untouched. The American economy is contracting at an annualised rate of 5 per cent. Commercial property is following the residential market into freefall. The Standard & Poor’s 500 index is down 43 per cent since its peak in October last year. The market for credit default swaps is pointing to a surge in defaults on corporate bonds. The automotive industry is already (against the will of Congress and the original intention of the Treasury) on life support. The US is at the centre of the crisis but Europe and Japan may suffer even larger aftershocks. As for the much feted emerging market “Brics” – Brazil, Russia, India and China – their stock markets have been dropping like, well, bricks.

    What makes this crisis of burning interest to financial historians is the knowledge that we are witnessing a real-time experiment with not one but two theories about the Depression.

    On one side, Ben Bernanke, Fed chairman, is applying the lesson of Milton Friedman’s and Anna Schwartz’s A Monetary History of the United States, which argued that the Depression was in large measure the fault of the central bank for failing to inject liquidity into an imploding financial system. Mr Bernanke has not merely slashed the federal funds rate to below 0.25 per cent. He has lent freely to the banks against undisclosed but probably toxic collateral. Now he is buying securities in the open market.
    The result has been an explosion of the Fed’s balance sheet and of the monetary base. With assets approaching $2,263bn and capital of less than $40bn, the Fed increasingly resembles a public hedge fund, leveraged at more than 50:1.

    How fallow years led to a golden jubilee

    Every seven years, God told Moses, the children of Israel should neither sow their fields nor prune their vineyards – a kind of self-imposed recession. After seven such sabbatical years, the trumpet of jubilee should be sounded: “And ye shall hallow the fiftieth year, and proclaim liberty throughout all the land unto all the inhabitants thereof: it shall be a jubilee unto you; and ye shall return every man unto his possession.”

    Land that had been sold was to be redeemed or returned to the original seller and the poor were to be relieved: “If thy brother be waxen poor, and hath sold away some of his possession, and if any of his kin come to redeem it, then shall he redeem that which his brother sold ... If thy brother be waxen poor ... then shalt thou relieve him: yea, though he be a stranger ... Take thou no usury of him ...” In addition, Jews who were slaves were to be set free.

    To modern eyes, however, the most striking of these divine injunctions was that debts were to be cancelled as part of “the Lord’s release”.

    On the other side, Mr Paulson has emerged as an unwitting disciple of Keynes, running a huge government deficit in an effort not merely to bail out the financial sector but also to provide a public sector substitute for sharply falling private sector consumption. Even before President-elect Barack Obama launches his promised infrastructure investment programme, estimates of next year’s deficit run as high as 12.5 per cent. Once, monetarism and Keynesianism were considered mutually exclusive economic theories. So severe is this crisis that governments all over the world are trying both simultaneously.

    Although commentators like to draw parallels with Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal, in truth the measures taken since the crisis began in August 2007 more closely resemble those taken during the world wars. After 1914, and again after 1939, there was massive government intervention in the financial system. Banks and bond markets were reduced to mere channels for the financing of huge public sector deficits. That is what is happening today, but without the stimulus to manufacturing that the world wars provided. We are having war finance without the war itself.

    Yet the effect of these policies is essentially to add a new layer of public debt to the existing debt mountain. Added together, the loans, investments and guarantees made by the Fed and the Treasury in the past year total about $7,800bn, compared with a pre-crisis federal debt of about $10,000bn. The Treasury may have to issue as much as $2,200bn in new debt in the coming year.

    For the time being, the distress-driven demand for dollars and risk-free assets is pushing down the cost of all this borrowing. Treasury yields are at historic lows. But it is not without significance that the cost of insuring against a US government default has risen 25-fold in little over a year. At some point, with most big economies adopting the same fiscal policy, global bond markets are going to start choking.

    Is it really plausible that the cure for excessive leverage in the private sector is excessive leverage in the public sector? Might there not be a simpler way forward? When economists talk about “deleveraging” they usually have in mind a rather slow process whereby companies and households increase their savings in order to pay off debt. But the paradox of thrift means that a concerted effort along these lines will drive an economy such as that of the US deeper into recession, raising debt-to-income ratios.

    The alternative must surely be a more radical reduction of debt. Historically, such reductions have been done in one of four ways: outright default, restructuring (for instance, bankruptcy), inflation or conversion. At the moment, more and more American households are choosing the first as a way of dealing with the problem of negative equity, while more and more companies are being driven towards bankruptcy. But mass foreclosures and bankruptcies are not a pretty prospect.

    Inflation, by contrast, is hard to worry about in the short term, not least because the Fed’s expansion of the monetary base is leading to no commensurate expansion of the broad money supply; the banks would rather shrink than expand their balance sheets.

    That leaves conversion, whereby, for example, all existing mortgage debts could be wholly or partly converted into long-term, low and fixed-interest loans, as recently suggested by Harvard’s Martin Feldstein. (In his scheme, the government would offer any homeowner with a mortgage the option to replace 20 per cent of the mortgage with a low-interest loan from the government, subject to a maximum of $80,000. The annual interest rate could be as low as 2 per cent and the loan would be amortised over 30 years.

    At the very least, this would rescue many homeowners from the nightmare of negative equity. A similar operation might also be contemplated for the debts of those banks that have been partially or wholly recapitalised by the state. This would not add to the federal debt in net terms and would reduce the interest burden, if not the absolute debt burden, of households.

    Such radical steps would naturally represent a haircut for creditors, notably the holders of mortgage-backed securities and bank bonds. Yet they would surely be preferable to the alternatives. And they would certainly be a less extreme solution than the general debt cancellation envisaged in the Old Testament.

    Financially, 2008 has been an annus horribilis. The answer may be to make 2009 a true jubilee year.

    The writer is a professor at Harvard University and Harvard Business School, a fellow of Jesus College, Oxford, and a senior fellow of the Hoover Institution, Stanford

    Copyright The Financial Times Limited 2008
    Last edited by ar81; 02-17-2010 at 04:08 PM.

  29. #29
    AR81, I read most of the first post. So yeah, again, I'll respond to Krugman since he can't respond back (yet)...

    World savings might be much higher as a proportion of GDP, and that is a bad thing in a recession as people need to move money around for economic growth to occur. However, that savings is in the hands of banks, not ordinary people or most companies. You cannot try to get ordinary people to open their wallets when they are basically broke and when it's the banks that are actually holding all the cards.

  30. #30
    Tax Freedom Day takes into account all taxation, and they estimate it at around 30% of your income. Source. Obviously this changes if your income or consumption is significantly off the average. I believe the estimate for the marginal tax rate is 40%. Sorry, but you're wrong.
    Hmmm possible. I still think its understated when we look at the various ways we suffer under double taxation.

    Granted most people don't make 6 figures so if your looking at a broad base you may be right I do think the amount we pay in taxes is underestimated because people never factor in that every single tax that a business pays is not paid by anything that is called "business" but by investors, owners & particularly consumers.

    Of course not, but the highest marginal rate had the biggest percentage drop (4.6%) with the exception of the 15% bracket. As such, it's a good way of evaluating whether the changes were likely to cause significant compliance issues. I think there's no question that tax rates have to be raised on middle class families as well as higher income earners to pay for the deficit, regardless of what Obama says.
    Or we can cut spending. Eliminate sweet heart government employee benefits, reform entitlement spending, freeze pork BS and do not under any circumstances create more entitlements like the Health Care bill.

    Both seem politically difficult to do. But eventually you can not kick the can.

    True, but the severity of a recessions can be significantly changes as a result of government intervention.
    Well we'll have to agree to disagree. Government spending creates new inefficiencies and exacerbate problems. See for example congress passing tariffs after the market melt down during the Great Depression. Putting people to work on "make work" projects is not healthy.

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